Som Tradition for Interreligious Harmony and Natural Preservation

The article particularly portrays and studies the Matbat tribe. The Matbat tribe inhabitants establish a system to unite the Matbat people to create stability and peace in overcoming external situations. The intriguing part of the Matbat tribe is that they, starting from an individual level, keep preserving their communal tradition to sustain peace among them and defend their territory. The customary structure of the Matbat people in West Misool was created based on mutual agreement with the roles, duties and functions that are obtained to maintain balance and harmony aimed at kinship values. There are various symbols in the implementation of the Som, which act as a vehicle of conception that has a meaning as mediation that is actualization in daily life. Som's tradition is a unifying tool for the Matbat indigenous people. The procedures for implementing the tradition are determined by customs arranged in the Matbat customary structure. The Som tradition is an annual event held by the villagers and has the power of customary law that regulates the two villages. The Som tradition is carried out from generation to generation. It develops into values firmly held by the indigenous peoples, not only as their perspective on natural resource management policy. It also as the respect of the Younger Brother (Magey village, which is Protestant Christian) to the Elder Brother (Gamta village, which is Muslim), and as a collective awareness composed in creating a moral balance for indigenous peoples to maintain harmony.


Abstract
The article particularly portrays and studies the Matbat tribe. The Matbat tribe inhabitants establish a system to unite the Matbat people to create stability and peace in overcoming external situations. The intriguing part of the Matbat tribe is that they, starting from an individual level, keep preserving their communal tradition to sustain peace among them and defend their territory. The customary structure of the Matbat people in West Misool was created based on mutual agreement with the roles, duties and functions that are obtained to maintain balance and harmony aimed at kinship values. There are various symbols in the implementation of the Som, which act as a vehicle of conception that has a meaning as mediation that is actualization in daily life. Som's tradition is a unifying tool for the Matbat indigenous people. The procedures for implementing the tradition are determined by customs arranged in the Matbat customary structure. The Som tradition is an annual event held by the villagers and has the power of customary law that regulates the two villages. The Som tradition is carried out from generation to generation. It develops into values firmly held by the indigenous peoples, not only as their perspective on natural resource management policy. It also as the respect of the Younger Brother (Magey village, which is Protestant Christian) to the Elder Brother (Gamta village, which is Muslim), and as a collective awareness composed in creating a moral balance for indigenous peoples to maintain harmony. ---

Introduction
The Raja Ampat Islands is an archipelago that consists of a group of large and small islands divided into two large areas, namely the South and the North, where the large islands are Waigeo, Salawati Misool and Batanta. The increasing population in the area was expanded to The Raja Ampat Regency.
Gamta and Magey village, located on the western part of Misool Island, has much uniqueness in local culture. The culture of the villagers is influenced by various immigrants, thus forming a new culture that the people still preserve. The people of the Raja Ampat Islands are more SOM TRADITION FOR INTERRELIGIOUS HARMONY ....
Walisongo: Jurnal Penelitian Sosial Keagamaan 81 receptive to people from outside compared to other areas of Papua, because they have experienced the development of civilization earlier. This is as expressed by Wallace (2015), "Where I have lived with the Gorong community for a month, who are traders. Every year they visit the Tanimbar Islands, Kei, Aru, and the entire Northwest coast of Papua from Oetanata to Salawati and the islands of Waigeo and Misool".
In addition to the statement expressed by Bachtiar (1993, p. 4), "During the reign of the Tidore Sultanate over the territory Papua, residents of coastal areas are obliged to pay taxes to the Hongy fleet in the form of forest harvest/crops". Likewise stated by Hasselt (2002), "Since ancient times, the Papuan Native People oftenly made sailing to Seram, Timor and Makassar, using large boats".
According to this statement, can be confirmed that, the culture of the Raja Ampat people, particularly the people of Gamta village and Magey village, has caused cultural diffusion and transformed into local culture, which gave birth to cultural variations. However, there is also the culture of Gamta village, which is Muslim, and Magey village, which is Protestant Christian. Most of whose residents are Matbat people (a native inhabitant of Misool), which has been carried out and has been carried out and maintained until now. Even though it slightly changes due to the entry of Islam in the Misool area, it can unite the peoples, namely the Som tradition, which is held during fruit harvest season. This tradition is unique because it does not exist in other areas in the Raja Ampat Islands. The purpose of this research is to find out about the implementation of the Som tradition in the Matbat people and to find out the reasons for the preservation of this tradition to these days in Gamta village and Magey village, District of West Misool, Raja Ampat Regency, which have the religious differences.
The literature review used on this research includes the following. Souhaly (2016) with the title "Sasi Tradition-Study of the Implementation of Sasi Tradition and its Implications", with the results of the research: The function of implementing Sasi Traditional in the land of Rumahsoal is to preserve nature from irresponsible human activities, thus it is hoped that the harvest can be abundant, as well as an expression of gratitude to nature and God. Wawarin et al. (2017), in their research, Sasi Laut carried out in Southeast Maluku Regency, is an ancestral tradition that has symbolic meaning in preserving nature and marine life ecosystems so that it can be utilized by society and the next generation. Sasi Laut has the function of preventing the theft of marine crops and respecting the rights of individuals and groups. There are fines against violators in the form of moral and magical sanctions. Prasetyo (2019) with his research, regional autonomy impacts the participation of local residents based on the customs in the area such as customary marine tenure (CMT). The implementation of CMT provides solutions to fisheries problems and prevents tragedies of the commons that result in the loss of species. The practice of CMT also applies to the Maluku Islands and Papua in the form of the customary law of Sasi Laut which is the regulations and prohibitions on the use of marine resources.
Sasi Laut is an effort to manage marine resources based on local wisdom.
In contrast to research conducted by researchers in which preserving religious harmony in a Som tradition is emphasized, the tradition should be viewed as saving nature by limiting the number of fruits taken from the forest and harvest season.
The research method is a qualitative descriptive study, namely an analysis model that provides an overview of the logic flow of data analysis (Arikunto, 1996). The research setting is in Gamta village dan Magey village, District of West Misool Raja Ampat Regency; with crucial instruments are the villagers of Gamta and Magey, the chief, and researchers. They used two data sources, primary and secondary data, conducting passive participatory observations and in-depth interviews. Data analysis techniques used are flowchart analysis techniques developed by Miles and Huberman (1992, p. 18), namely data reduction (summarizing data), data display (data presentation), and conclusion drawing/verification (concluding).

Narrating Origins of the Matbat People
Misool Islands is one of the islands in the Raja Ampat region located in the south of Raja Ampat Regency, that is currently divided into various ethnicities, both native Papuans and those from outside Papua, and those who are native to Misool and those who are considered immigrants. The Misool natives are usually called Matbat (landlord/landowner), and immigrants are called Mat Lou (coastal people).
The Mat Lou tribe inhabits the coastal area. They consist of Papuan people from the Mayan tribe that had spread rapidly throughout the Raja Ampat Island, the Ayamaru. There are also Biak people and those who indigineously come from the Maluku islands, such as Seram, Tidore, Ternate, Kei, etc. In addition, they might include people who come from other parts of the archipelago and immigrants who came from the Arabian peninsula.
Matbat Ethnic is one of the tribes on the island of Papua, where the tribe existed before the entry of the divine religions. They are indigenous people as an inhabitant of the Misool islands who have known customary alliances, teach clan head leads them. They live in the wild jungle in groups based on clans at which an outsider enters the jungle, and the tribe will kill them, somewhile between clans from the jungle also kill each other.
The term of Matbat comes from two words, namely Mat and Bat. Mat is defined as human, Bat is defined as land, thus it can be interpreted that Matbat is a person who owns the land. In the ancient language of the Matbat tribe, Matbat comes from the word Me or akmeiyaka which means: I have my own things (land) (Abdul Manaf Wihel, personal communication, 2018).
Matbat people originated from the forest in the mountains near the Gam river. Then the newcomers began to inhabit the island, the lands in the Misool area, so the brothers decided to decide that one of them should go down to the coast/mainland to protect the territory. Ultimately, by full of consideration, the elder brother was decided to go down to the coast, one of the considerations was that the older brother had a broader insight than the younger brother. The descendants of the older brother are now the people in Gamta village, while the younger brother constantly live in the forest and preserve its natural resource/products, the descendants of his younger brother are now the people in Magey village" (Jonathan Doutot, personal communication, 2019).
In maintaining the stability of the Matbat people who lived in the forest in ancient times, an agreement was made to appoint a leader as Fun (King). The Som tradition is defined as: telling the public to make peace (as a form of peace). The Som tradition was carried out during Fun's coronation, where Marinbel and his group in the forest made Som, a pork dish (head and back) or commonly called Haiwan/Bo, which is packaged in traditional customs. plates, then brought together with the Saruan, Saumayanim, and Saukisi people, then handed over to the King (Fun). After the entry of Islam, the dish was replaced with forest crops, namely Langsat (Lukum) fruit. Som tradition is a banquet communion accompanied by the tradition of throwing (waifatno) Langsat fruit, which means that "If you feel pain, I also feel pain" (Philipus Hamui, personal communication, 2019).
A function is a collection of activities aimed at meeting certain needs or system needs, and a system can survive if it has four functions, which is known as the AGIL scheme, as mentioned below: 1) Adaptation, a system must cope with urgent external situations. The system must adapt to the environment and adapt the environment to its needs. 2) Goal attainment (achievement of goals), a system must define and achieve its main goals. 3) Integration, a system must regulate the relationship between the parts that become its components. The system must also manage the relationships between the three other important functions (A, G, L). 4) Latency (pattern maintenance), a system must equip, maintain and improve, both individual motivation and cultural patterns that create and sustain motivation (Parson in Ritzer & Goodman, 2012).
It can be said that the origins of the Matbat people are the original Misool people who were formerly in the forest who formed a system to SOM TRADITION FOR INTERRELIGIOUS HARMONY ....
Walisongo: Jurnal Penelitian Sosial Keagamaan 85 unite the Matbat people to create stability and peace in overcoming external situations in the context of achieving a common goal, namely peace among its people, to defend the territory to divide the duties between the elder brother as the ruler who occupies the coastal area (Gamta, who is Muslim), and the younger brother in the interior (Magey, who is a Protestant Christian), to be able to generate individual motivation which is poured into the preserved community traditions until nowadays in sustaining safe community life.

Emphasizing Customary Structure of the Matbat People in West Misool
Each customary area in Indonesia has a different structure, including District of West Misool, Raja Ampat Regency, where people have clans in their lives order. The clans are tied to a customary alliance, which initially consisted of Kapaunon, Jemput, Hai, Hamui, and Boutot. The clans in the Matbat community in West Misool form the Fun (King). The clans in the forest or from the river's end (Waya Kaliu) appoint the King's subordinates, namely Klanabatan, Hokum, Marinbel, and Marintip. While those who followed Fun, to get out of the forest to the coast, namely Saruan, Saumayanim, Saukisi, and Kapitim. Fun was appointed to come out of the forest to the coast, who was named Peng Hamui, who changed the name of the clan (marga) became Wihel/Waihelo. The king opened a village in Daliwo and then traveled to Lenmalas for the inauguration of the King, then made an oath in Bal Bel, part of the Tomolol area, with the oath known as Kapiul, Kapiu, Kapatlas. (Oath rubstone/Sharpening stone). The indigenous people of the Matbat recognize two oaths using rubbing stones and Bia (sea shells/Tapyu Kaut) (Philipus Hamui, personal communication, 2019).
However, since the entry of the Sultanate of Tidore in the Misool Islands region, King (Fun) changed its function to Jojau (in Tidore language, Jojau is taken from the word Jo or respect for the elder), at which began with Saruan escorting Fun to The Sultan of Tidore by boat (Kalulus), then the Fun of the Matbat was appointed to be Jojau, which 86 according to the Matbat people was a person who came from far away, and the King was handed over to clan/the Umkabumarga (iron wooden house) which was an Maya tribe originating from Waigeo. Tidore divided Misool's power into King of Misool, Jojau Gamta, Jojau Waigama, and Kapitan of Fafanlap. Each customary leader has their respective powers, duties, and functions regulated by the Tidore Sultanate. But for now, the one that still functions in traditional activities is Jojau Gamta in implementing various traditions, including the Som tradition, which is constantly being carried out. In their daily lives, the Matbat people communicate using Matbat language with each other, where not everyone in Misool understands the language, they also sometimes use Misool/Maya to communicate with Misool people, and also use Indonesian when communicating with outsiders, but the number of them were not as many as the descendants of Maya and other immigrants. Most of the Matbat people make their living from hunting, and food gathering though those inhabiting the coast area depend on their livelihood on the sea.
Redcliffe-Brown (Jenks, 2013)says: "The social structure is seen as a network formed of social relationships that include social groups, social categories, classes and social roles, its existence is not easily changed or lost". (Jenks, 2013)assumes: "Every social structure system is a functional unit that can maintain itself, functions to maintain balance, and harmony, this is where the advantage lies in being interconnected". Giddens (2010) said: "In a small tribal society or oral culture, the dominant structural principle applies throughout the process of linking tradition with kinship by putting oneself into space and time." The customary structure of the Matbat people in West Misool was created based on mutual agreement in forming customary structures, each of which was chosen from one clan/marga in the Matbat people with their respective roles, duties, and functions, which had been jointly determined and carried out in order to maintain balance and harmony aimed at kinship values of the Matbat people.

Learning Som Tradition Stages for Cementing Togetherness among Different Religious Others The Inspection Stage
Before the Som tradition is implemented, it is necessary to check the fruit in the forest. The inspection is also usually carried out by indigenous people, one of which is Saukisi, who is in the village of Magey. After the inspection is done and the results are ready to be harvested, the customary people informed the head of customary law in Gamta village to come in and check again.
If the inspection of the fruit is declared ripe, then the customary law leader is obliged to inform the head of Jojau that the fruit is ready to be harvested. Then Jojau orders to inform the customary leaders of Saukisi, Saumayanim and Kapitim, and the Magey villagers to harvest the fruit. The person who harvests must be people assigned to customary include the three leaders, namely Saukisi, Saumayanim, Kapitim and Saruan. (Ismail Wihel, personal communication, 2019).
According to Jeffry Week, identity is related to ownership or belonging regarding equality with many people and differentiating one person from another (Widayanti, 2009). This opinion emphasizes the importance of identity for individuals and a group or community.
At the fruit inspection stage used in the Som tradition, not everyone can check the fruit. Saukisi from Magey village can only do it through Jojau's approval in Gamta. All people must obey this provision in the two villages. The leaders' identity plays an important role in ownership or belonging, differentiating them from other people in the Matbat to carry out the Som tradition in the examination stage.

Preparation Stage
After the inspection was carried out and it was found out that the fruit was ready to be harvested, the leaders in Gamta village, called Jojau, Major and the head of customary law, along with the people in Gamta village is obliged to prepare everything that is needed. The needs referred to are Betel Fruit, Areca Fruit, Lime, and Cigarettes, which are placed in a special place called Kaponi. These four objects are the habits of the local people that cannot be separated from their daily consumption, this is the same as the Papuan people in general. which is when they have guests, either from outside the area or within their environment. Meanwhile, Kaponi is a place to put the four objects. Kaponi is a kind of place like a basin but made of woven forest ropes. Then, a place is prepared to put the fruit of the harvest that will be brought. This special place is called Tatap. Sugar tea is also not forgotten which has become a habit of the villagers when guests arrive. The six customary leaders -Jojau, Major, Hokum, Saukisi, Samayanim and Saruan-must wear their respective customary clothes. One of Jojau's traditional clothing characteristics is a robe which is bearing the symbol of a bird of paradise (Abdullah Sani Wihel, personal communication, 2019).

Figure 3
Langsat fruit (Lukum) which is in the face (Private Document, 2019) Greetz (1992) said that most of the symbols are words, but also signs, paintings, musical sounds, mechanical devices such as clocks, or natural objects such as gemstone. Further said by Clifford Geertz (in Jenks, 2013) its symbolic mental approach relies a lot on the description of something that is seen as layers of mediation, such as mood, motivation and conception, between systems of symbols and various facts of daily life. Langer and Geertz (in Dillistone, 2002) said that every object, action, event, nature, or relationship can act as a vehicle for a conception, and this conception is the meaning of symbols. So the interpretation of culture is an interpretation of symbols. Levi-Strauss (1997) said that the symbolic function is a unique human ability to point to reality with the help of signs. The symbolic function shows how the human intellectual effort aims to mediate and understand the transition from nature to culture.
The preparation stage in the Som tradition is inseparable from the close collaboration between the two villages, where each village has its own duties and responsibilities. Each village must prepare every need that is needed. In addition, various equipment required in the Som tradition has symbols that act as a vehicle for a conception that has a meaning as a means of mediation, which is factualization in everyday life and is also a condition that must be met in holding the rituals. Like the availability of betel (nyana) and areca nut (kamacu), which are identical with Papuans in their daily lives, and can be said to be symbols of communication.

Implementation Stage
After the examination and preparations are made. It comes to implementing the Som tradition, where all people will be involved in the sasi som, both the people of Gamta village and Magey village. At first, the fruit that has been harvested is put into a noken (large bag -a Papuan's traditional bag). Then the customary leaders of Saukisi, Saumayanim, and Saruan, these three customary leaders who are in charge of bringing the fruit or harvest, are followed by the indigenous people of Magey village.
After the harvest is ready, it is transported by boat and along as they bring Tifa (tambourine). Tifa is used to make sound along the way. This is intended to signal that they are going to Gamta village. In the past, a conch-shaped trumpet was used. However, it has been replaced with Tifa over time because the snail skin is difficult to obtain. They sing the sound of the tifa and songs in the Matbat language made to deliver fruits or  The implementation stage is carried out jointly starting from the delivery of fruits from Magey village to Gamta village with the sound of tifa as a sign or signal for the arrival of Magey village residents. This activity can reunite the Magey village community to carry out several traditional activities with Gamta residents of different religions. Gary Fine (in Turner, 2012), says that small groups develop a unique set of meanings (beliefs, knowledge, and habits), underlie common understanding and develop further interactions and actions.
After the customary leaders of Magey village receive the harvest, the harvest results are taken to Gamta village to be handed over to Jojau and the customary leaders of Gamta village. In their delivery process, the Magey villagers participated by using a boat. On arrival at Gamta village, the Magey villagers are welcomed by the customary leaders and the Gamta villagers. Before entering the Jojau traditional house, a procession of throwing fruits (vacul) is carried out, in which langsat (lukum) fruit is usually used during the procession. The procession of throwing fruits is carried out between the customary leaders of Magey village and the customary leaders of Gamta village, throwing back at each other's backs, until one of their traditional chiefs (Magey). Usually, the Kapitim comes to give a cross sign then the activity automatically stops/ends. This procession has the meaning of gratitude. In the coming year, the harvest will be more abundant, as well as a sense of brotherhood between Gamta and Magey, where fellow brothers must share their feelings of suffering and happiness. (M. Nuh Wihel, personal communication, 2019).
After the fruit throwing process (vacul), the traditional Magey leaders (Saukisi, Saumayanim, Kapitim) were invited into the Jojau traditional house with a respectful greeting while raising their hands and forehead (ka somba). It is as respecting Jojau and Mayor and Law (the traditional structure of Gamta) who have been waiting, then say Jou Fun Jojau which means respecting Fun or Jojau. So the word som is taken from the word somba which means worship or respect/honor of the younger brother who is in Magey, which is given to the older brother in Gamta, the fun or Jojau who is in Gamta.
Upon entering the room, the Magey traditional leader approached Jojau by crouching, until in front of Jojau. They saluted (ka somba) one more time, then shook hands with Jojau. Usually, the handshake procession is represented by the head of Saukisi, the right hand shakes the hand and the left hand exchanges offerings in the form of plates containing areca nut, betel nut, cigarettes, and so on.
After the procession is complete, the harvest of Langsat (lukum) fruit is removed from sight and then placed in a basket (lifin). Then, the chief of Saukisi took one langsat fruit, then pressed (ku) and split (feet) into two parts, half for Jojau, then the other half for the chief of Saukisi ate it. This is a symbol that the Som agreement or tradition has been completed. The younger brother who is in the forest has brought forest products in the form of fruit, to be distributed to his younger brother. After the profit-sharing process has been completed, other people or families are free or allowed to eat it. After the distribution process has completed, the chief of Magey and his entourage leave  Victor Turner (Winangun, 1990) said: (a) The ceremony is able to integrate and unite the people by strengthening the key and main values of culture beyond and above individuals and groups. Here the ceremony is seen as a means of unification and integration; (b) The ceremony can let people express their feelings and emotions; (c) Place coercion on the social order. Pressures are applied to carry out social norms experienced by members of society. In the rite, these pressures are released; (d) Effective energy created from symbolism and behavior that is socially negative is transferred to socially positive; and (e) The ceremony is a tool to accustome condition socially. The ceremony reunites the people and strengthens the structure.
At this stage of implementation, all people will participate and participate in the Som tradition. All people will take the fruits and start the game, namely throwing fruits, releasing feelings and emotions and moving negative energy towards positive. This aims to strengthen and unite the brotherhood between the Gamta villagers, who are Muslims, and Magey villagers, who are Protestant Christians. Furthermore, the fruits can be eaten by all people or villagers of different religions.

Carrying out Som: Harmonizing Humans and Nature
In order to maintain the harmony of life between humans and nature and maintain its sustainability, the indigenous people of Gamta village and Magey village have customary law and customary institutions in charge of supervising the customary territory concerned, including determining the rules that may and may not be carried out by the local community, including land who are in the customary environment concerned.
The process of implementing the Som tradition also has rules that the local community must obey, those are: 1) The fruit required in the Som tradition is the fruit that their ancestors have determined. One of these fruits is Langsat. 2) It is not allowed to eat the fruit before the Som tradition is held (issued by Som).
3) The implementation of the Som tradition must be held as instructed by customary. 4) The person who harvests the fruit for the Som tradition must be someone who has been determined in the custom. 5) The implementation of the Som tradition must be done in a traditional house. 6) The implementation of the Som tradition can only be done when the fruit is ripe and ready to be harvested. 7) The implementation of the Som tradition must be approved of the Jojau customary chief. 8) In implementing the Som tradition, it is mandatory to provide lime betel, betel, areca nut, and cigarettes. It is believed that these ingredients are needed in Som traditional rituals to be given as homage to their ancestors. 9) The existing customary leaders must wear their respective traditional clothes (Akuba Rumakat, personal communication, 2019).
A ceremony (ritual, ceremony) is a system of activities or a series of actions that are regulated by custom or applicable laws in society that are related to various kinds of permanent events that usually occur in the community concerned (Koentjaraningrat, 1984).
In the Som tradition, fruits that are included in the Som tradition are not allowed to be harvested before the Som tradition is issued, if the fruits are harvested earlier, is ensured that all the fruits are ripe and suitable for harvesting. The procedure for implementing the tradition is determined by 96 custom which is arranged in a customary structure in the two villages with different religions. This tradition is an event that is still carried out by Magey and Gamta villagers every year, and has legal rights in the Matbat in order to regulate kinship between the two villages with the different religions.

Preserving the Local Wisdom Traditions through Sanctions
For Matbat indigenous people, there are rules made to carry out various traditions. The existing rules are made by their ancestors since ancient times and have been implemented from generation to generation until now. However, in every rule made, there are sanctions/fines that follow, one of which is the sanction in Som's tradition.
The reason for implementing the Som tradition must be with customary rules, if it is violated, it will impact fruit yields in the future. They believe that the implementation has been sworn in. If the rules are violated, the fruit will not be harvested much, the fruit that should have been harvested did not produce well. It was said that it had been ten years SOM TRADITION FOR INTERRELIGIOUS HARMONY ....

Walisongo: Jurnal Penelitian Sosial Keagamaan
97 that the fruit that should have been harvested was not as fruitful as before. Many young people today do not want to know how the customs in the village they live in. As a result, they deliberately took the fruit for offering and ate it secretly (Abdul Sani Wihel, personal communication, 2019). Soepomo (1987, p. 21) said traditional customary law shows the existence of universal values such as the principle of mutual cooperation, human social functions, and property in society, the principle of consent as general power, the principle of representation and deliberation in the government system. Solidarity theory, especially related to mechanical solidarity developed by Durkheim, explained: Individuals depend on public opinion. The law system punishes the guilty and thereby restores moral balance (Roucek et al., 1984). Meanwhile, Durkheim explained in Soekanto (1985) that certain people have criminal characteristics in a society. The criminal factors result from the formulation of collective consciousness, do not come from oneself (because of the quality of the actions). If the collective consciousness is strong enough, then the consciousness has a greater ability to neutralize these differences. Durkheim explained in Scharf (2004), mechanical solidarity is solidarity that is strengthened by sacred rights in the community concerned.
The behavior of the people of District of West Misool, Raja Ampat Regency, especially Gamta and Magey villages, through the Som tradition which has been passed down from generation to generation and developed in community life into values that are firmly held by indigenous peoples who participate in the implementation of Som is a continuation of the community's perspective on how to manage natural resource policy. Community behavior can be seen in the process of implementing and participating in the indigenous people in the Som tradition. Obedience to all Som rules that have been established since ancestral times before the emergence of divine religions, as well as community behavior in preserving the Sasi Som culture which is the honor of the Younger Brother (Magey village who is Protestant Christian) to his older brother (Gamta village who is Muslim). Customary rules that are collective awareness are made to create a moral balance for indigenous peoples to maintain customary harmony and preserve nature.

Conclusion
Matbat tribe is a native inhabitant of Misool who was formerly in the forest who created a system to unite the Matbat peoples to create stability and peace to overcome external situations in achieving a common goal of peace among its peoples, and to defend the area so that the task of sharing between the brothers as ruler which occupy a coastal area (Gamta village, which is Muslim) and the Younger Brother in interior area (Magey village, who is Protestant Christian), thus giving rise to individual motivation that is implemented into Som's tradition in supporting a safe community life.
The customary structure of the Matbat people in West Misool is created based on mutual agreement to form a customary structure, each of which is chosen from one clan/marga in the Matbat peoples with its own roles, duties and functions which are carried out in maintaining balance and harmony aimed at the people of Matbat's kinship values.
The identity of customary leader plays an important role in ownership that distinguishes him from other people in the Matbat peoples to carry out the Som tradition. Various equipment needed has a symbol that acts as a vehicle of conception which has a meaning as mediation that is factualization in daily life, and is a condition that must be fulfilled in its implementation. Som's tradition is held on by jointly, starting from delivering fruit from Magey village to Gamta village until completion. The Som tradition aims to strengthen and unite the brotherhood between Gamta and Magey villagers with the different religions. The procedures for implementing traditions are determined by customs which are arranged in the customary structure of Matbat. Som tradition is an annual event held by indigenous peoples and has legal power in the Matbat indigenous community. The behavior of Gamta and Magey villagers through the Som tradition has been passed down from generation to generation and develop into values held firmly by indigenous peoples which are a continuation of the perspective of indigenous peoples. Community behavior can be seen in the process of implementing and participating in the Som tradition, obedience to any Som rules that have been established since ancestral times before the emergence of divine religions, Som's tradition is the respect of the younger brother to the older brother. Moreover, it is customary rules which consist of collective awareness composed in creating a moral balance for indigenous peoples to maintain customary harmony and preserve nature. [w]